This challenge is brought sharply into focus by the fundamental differences between western characterizations of state and society and those of Islamism. Although western scholarship often assumes distinctions among social, theological, and political spheres of activity to be natural or inherent, such distinctions are not recognized in contemporary Islamism, which entails what Gilles Kepel describes as the “complete and total blend of society, state, culture, and religion.”2 In this context, Islam is understood “not merely as a ‘religion’ in the narrow sense of theological belief ... but also as a total way of life with guidance for political, economic, and social behavior.” 3 As such, Islamism rejects many of the organizing principles of state and society that the West takes for granted.

The implications of such an exclusionary philosophical doctrine extend well beyond the constitution of any particular society. The Islamist worldview, particularly as articulated by Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966), one of contemporary Islamism’s ideological inspirations, envisions a complete reconstruction of the Muslim world into a single “community of the faithful” wherein faith, devotion, and strict adherence to Islamic law (Shari`ah) are valued above geographic, linguistic, or national distinctions.4 Within such a community, “Allah alone has sovereignty”5 and secular claims of national state sovereignty are regarded as idolatry.

Qutb’s rhetoric portrays an Islamist society free of internal contradictions and worldly distinctions among Muslims, a vision that “once again made Islamic culture appear superior to Western ideologies, which it could criticize and surmount.”6 This utopian vision of Islamist modernity, however, was not widely embraced during and after decolonization. In fact, prior to the 1970s, a nationalist ideology predominated in most Islamic countries, for nationalism was often the banner under which independence from colonial rule had been achieved.7

In the last quarter of the twentieth century, however, Islamism emerged as a potent ideological force that has challenged – and continues to challenge – nationalist elites for power; one that has left academics struggling to explain why, in an era characterized by ever-increasing secularism, such an ideology has attracted the support of so many Muslims. While it was once thought that western liberal democracy was poised to achieve universal status as the final form of human government,8 Islamism’s enduring appeal and mobilization potential suggest that contemporary society may confront this alternative vision of modernity for quite some time to come.

To explain why Islamist ideology may have resonated with so many Muslims during the past few decades, as well as how the transition from nationalism to Islamism took place, it is useful to employ the analytic tools of framing, master frames, and the frame alignment process. Employing frame trajectories as an analytic method is valuable because it goes beyond the “intellectual history” type of accounts that fail to analyze metaphors, symbols, and audience responses. It also transcends the traditional sociological approach that treats the “content of ideology or beliefs as either outside the realm of analysis or as a constant.”9 As such, this approach allows us to analyze culture and social movements on a more intimate level and helps us to see how culture, as well as the successful frames based on it, penetrate everyday life in meaningful ways. Framing is particularly relevant in the Muslim tradition, because historical stories and analogies are so important. “Historical allusions … which may seem abstruse to many Americans, are common among Muslims. References to early, even to ancient history are common-place in public discourses.”10

The presence of a widely accepted belief system, like Islam, is a valuable asset for mobilizing support. Indeed, “throughout its history, Islam has been utilized both by leaders to legitimize their rule and by revolutionaries to denounce it.”11 The extent to which any ideology can mobilize support, however, is more than a matter of its universal appeal or inherent congruence with a population. The existence of some structural or cultural strain or perceived injustice is widely recognized as being essential for collective action, and movements must also have the capacity to acquire and mobilize resources. These conditions have long been recognized as essential for concerted action. However, their mere presence does not wholly determine a movement’s success. Movement organizations must actively market their ideologies in order to inspire sympathy and participation.12 As this paper examines recent political movements in the Muslim world, it will demonstrate just how important this aspect has been to Islamist movements.

Utilizing a frame analytic perspective is a useful exercise for those wishing to understand the rise of political Islam and for movement scholars generally. It provides us with a unique view of political developments in the Muslim world, how Islam as a religion has been appropriated to advance political movements, and how framing has played a key role in the rise and fall of social movements. Collective action frames provide movements with a perspective through which to perceive the world and a vocabulary with which to describe it. Analytical perspectives provide movement scholars with the same things.

This essay considers the initial popularity of nationalist sentiment during decolonization, how the competing ideologies of the cold war attempted to utilize Islam’s social capital, and the eventual emergence of the Islamist movement in light of a frame analytic perspective. By utilizing this conceptual framework, the causes and consequences of political Islam’s rise can be better understood.

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