
Towards the Construction of a Contemporary Islamic Educational Theory
Fathi Malkawi
Islamization of Knowledge: Conceptual Background, Vision and Tasks
Salisu Shehu
Economic Guidelines in the Qur'an
S.M. Hasanuz Zaman
Contribution of Islamic Thought to Modern Economics
Misbah Oreibi
An Introduction to Islamic Economics
Muhammad Akram Khan
Islamic Thought and Culture
Isma'il R. al Faruqi
Islamization of Knowledge: Background, Models and the Way Forward
Malam Sa'idu Sulaiman
| Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India |
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Ashutosh Varshney, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2002. 382 pages. While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged by its index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includes a paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), two Hindu nationalist organizations that play a central role in such riots. He also fails to mention the Bajrang Dal, the militant Hindu organization responsible for many of the attacks during the violence in Gujarat in 2002. This seems to summarize the problem with his book: It is intriguing yet incomplete.The reason for this omission becomes clear from his central thesis: Riots seldom occur where integrated networks of civic engagement exist; riots are a common feature where interdependency is absent. Varshney, a professor of political science at the University of Michigan, surveys six cities in India: three riot-prone (Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Aligarh) and three riot-free (Lucknow, Calicut, Surat). His focus on India’s urban centers is not without reason. Only 4% of communal violence-related deaths have occurred in rural areas, where 67% of the Indian population lives. Eight cities (whose total population is only 5% of the country’s total population) account for 45% of deaths in communal violence. Varshney seems overly eager to correct the notion that Hindu-Muslim violence is a pan-Indian experience. His book highlights some important divisions that contribute to interreligious discord. In chapter 5, for example, he notes that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), once an educational center for both Muslims and Hindus, is now largely a university exclusively attended by Muslims. Such divisions at the higher academic levels lead to inevitable cleavages in society. Varshney concludes that “local patterns of violence underline how important associational ties across communities are for peace in multi-ethnic societies” (p. 11). It is tempting to agree with Varshney. His book suggests the basic premise that if Muslims and Hindus work together, they will not resort to communal violence. One can understand why his ideas have gained support from government officials, apologetic Indian scholars, and fundamentalist Hindu and Muslim groups. owever, he does not indicate how intolerant swamis or mullahs have preached division, nor does he speak of how religious schools (both Hindu and Muslim) have displaced secular education in many parts of India. |
Summer Students Program 2010
The International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) is pleased to announce its Summer Students Program for 2010, which will run for six weeks between Monday, June 28 and Friday, August 6, 2010. The program is designed for senior undergraduate and graduate students who are majoring in the humanities or social science disciplines and who have a particular interest in developing their knowledge and research skills in the core areas of Islamic studies...more
Int. Inst. of Islamic Thought (IIIT)
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